Did women have a civic identity in eighteenth-century France? In Citoyennes: Women and the Ideal of Citizenship in Eighteenth-Century France, Annie Smart contends that they did. While previous scholarship has emphasized the ideal of domestic motherhood or the image of the republican mother, Smart argues persuasively that many pre-revolutionary and revolutionary texts created another ideal for women - the ideal of civic motherhood. Smart asserts that women were portrayed as possessing civic virtue, and as promoting the values and ideals of the public sphere. Contemporary critics have theorized that the eighteenth-century ideal of the Republic intentionally excluded women from the public sphere. According to this perspective, a discourse of "Rousseauean" domestic motherhood stripped women of an active civic identity, and limited their role to breastfeeding and childcare. Eighteenth-century France marked thus the division between a male public sphere of political action and a female private sphere of the home. Citoyennes challenges this position and offers an alternative model of female identity. This interdisciplinary study brings together a variety of genres to demonstrate convincingly that women were portrayed as civic individuals. Using foundational texts such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Emile, or on Education (1762), revolutionary gouaches of Lesueur, and vaudeville plays of Year II of the Republic (1793/1794), this study brilliantly shows that in text and image, women were represented as devoted to both the public good and their families. In addition, Citoyennes offers an innovative interpretation of the home. Through re-examining sphere theory, this study challenges the tendency to equate the home with private concerns, and shows that the home can function as a site for both private life and civic identity. Citoyennes breaks new ground, for it both rectifies the ideal of domestic Rousseauean motherhood, and brings a fuller understanding to how female civic identity operated in important French texts and images.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man did not extend to women; De Gouges claimed on paper that the declaration was incomplete without the rights of women. Campaigners protests that her ashes do not rest in the Pantheon Paris. (3 mins)
Jean-Jacques Rousseau believed women should be weak and passive. In 1791, Olympe de Gouges published "Declaration of the Rights of Women." Olivier Blanc discusses the major points of the document and its effect. (3 mins)
In 1792, the Jacobins banned women from meeting in groups of five or more and outlawed expressions of dissent. Olympe de Gouges distributed "Les Trois Urnes" and was arrested; she was executed in 1793. Dr. Amanda Foreman reflects on why de Gouges was accused of being a traitor. (2:32)
This brief documentary history includes 38 documents that explore the issue of rights and citizenship in Revolutionary France and the movement that helped define modern notions of civil rights.
***Chapter 36: Olympe de Gouges, The Declaration of the Rights of Woman, September 1791 -- Page 124
Account of the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention and the beginning of the U.S. woman's rights movement. Feminists from 1848 to the present have rightly viewed the Seneca Falls convention as the birth of the women's rights movement in the United States and beyond. In The Road To Seneca Falls, Judith Wellman offers the first well documented, full-length account of this historic meeting in its contemporary context. The convention succeeded by uniting powerful elements of the antislavery movement, radical Quakers, and the campaign for legal reform under a common cause. but also in the life of women's rights pioneer Elizabeth Cady Stanton. It is this convergence, she argues, that foments one of the greatest rebellions of modern times. Rather than working heavy-handedly downward from their official Declaration of Sentiments, Wellman works upward from richly detailed documentary evidence to construct a complex tapestry of causes that lay behind the convention, bringing the struggle to life. reform history with individual and collective biographical elements. The Road to Seneca Falls challenges all of us to reflect on what it means to be an American trying to implement the belief that all men and women are created equal, both then and now. A fascinating story in its own right, it is also a seminal plece of scholarship for anyone interested in history, politics, or gender.
his article will introduce readers in some detail to the ensuing vigorous Parisian campaign for woman suffrage. It proceeds to situate the July 1848 Seneca Falls Convention in the United States with reference to the French events, and to compare the women's rights rhetoric in both settings. It moves on to contextualize both with respect to earlier English debates on slavery and suffrage. These findings reestablish vital aspects of a still incomplete historical record, thereby challenging and revising recent arguments by several French and American scholars concerning both the theoretical marginalization of women from political rights in republics since 1789 and the alleged distinctions between French and American feminisms in this period. Accompanying the article are four of the most significant French documents (in French and English translation), followed by the text of the Declaration of Sentiments.
This article reveals, for the first time, the "humorous article" read by Lucretia Mott at the historic 1848 Seneca Falls Women's Rights Convention. Written by Mott's sister Martha Coffin Wright, it presents a view of the gender roles in marriage very different from that expressed in most literature of its time.
The 125 historical documents in this unique volume bring to life the triumphs, disappointments, and enduring contributions of women's struggle for equal rights in America. This work also reveals often-surprising sources of opposition, such as Abraham Lincoln and the U.S. Supreme Court. Organized into five chronological periods, the documents provide a flavor for the time period in which they were written. Each period and each document is preceded by an explanatory introduction that puts it in historical context. A chronology of significant dates in the history of American women's rights, a topically organized bibliography, and a list of women's organizations for further information completes the work.
Document 30. Declaration of sentiments (1848) -- page 82
Document 31. The rights of women: a reaction to Seneca Falls / Frederick Douglass (1848) -- page 85
This new perspective on Haitian history features essays that augment the historical paintings of renowned contemporary Haitian-American artist, Ulrick Jean-Pierre.
***Chapter 11: Jean-Jacques Dessalines / Cecile Accilien-- page 53
Revered in Haiti as a founding father committed to his countrymen’s freedom and independence, decried by his white contemporaries as a bloodthirsty brute, Haitian revolutionary Jean-Jacques Dessalines was actually a multifaceted historical figure who borrowed much of his worldview and many of his policies from the colonial plantation system of the Atlantic world. In particular, archival findings in France, Britain, and the United States reveal that Dessalines encouraged France to arrest fellow black revolutionaries, was long ambivalent about advocating independence from France, and maintained close relations with some white Frenchmen even after the 1804 massacres. He conducted extensive diplomatic negotiations with his neighbors in an effort to maintain the trade links inherited from the colonial era, strove to preserve the integrity of the sugar plantations even though he had himself been a slave (probably of Toussaint Louverture’s son-in-law), enforced a strict feudal system among former slaves and tried to import African laborers, and was inspired by a multicultural environment that incorporated American and European as well as African elements. Dessalines was thus a complex character whose conduct was motivated by his economic, political, and diplomatic interests in addition to the racial and ideological factors that tend to dominate the historiography.
The Haitian Revolution, which took place between 1791-1804, is significant because Haiti is the only country where slave freedom was taken by force, and marks the only successful slave revolt in modern times. A ragtag force of slaves managed to unify Haiti, defeat Europe’s most powerful army and become the first country in Latin America to gain independence, second only to the United States in the Americas as a whole. Short, informative podcast, courtesy of the History department at UT Austin, includes transcripts with image gallery.